False Promises

Today, November 2nd, is an anniversary of one of the most pivotal events in the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It was on this day in 1917, that the government of England promised to make Palestine a national home for the Jews through the Balfour Declaration, after they had promised to make Palestine part of the liberated lands of its native inhabitants, the Arabs.

There probably isn't much to say about Balfour which hasn't already been said, but it is always important to remember that the problem we witness today, specifically the continued colonization of Palestinian land, had its origins in colonialism almost a century ago.

Victor Kattan recently wrote a very important book on this question of international law and the mandate period in Palestine, and it is appropriate today to highlight this work. Earlier this year I had a chance to sit down with him and discuss it. The video of this interview is below.




Other Palestine Center Book reviews appear here.

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BOOK REVIEW: Palestinian Politics after Arafat

Each month, we will be conducting a review of a recent book that deals with issues relating to Palestine and/or the Israel/Palestine conflict. Books that are chosen for review can be academic or non-academic, historical or fictional. Next month we will be reviewing Palestinian and Israeli Public Opinion: The Public Imperative in the Second Intifada by Jacob Shamir and Khalil Shikaki. If you would like to suggest a book for review, please contact the Palestine Center.

"Palestinian Politics after Arafat" written by As'ad Ghanem
Hardcover: 222 pages, Indiana University Press (2010)

Palestine Center Book Review No. 4 (22 April 2010)

By Yousef Munayyer

At a moment when uncertainty about the future of the Palestinian national project is at its highest levels in history, a thoughtful work with an introspective analysis is a valuable contribution to the discussion that Palestinians and non-Palestinians alike should be having regarding the future of Palestine.

As'ad Ghanem's latest book Palestinian Politics after Arafat is just that type of contribution. In his analysis of the Palestinian national movement, focused on the post-Oslo period, Ghanem points out the various shortcomings of the movement at critical junctures. It should be noted that for Ghanem, the main agent in the national movement he analyzes is the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in its multiple forms.

In an introductory and methodological chapter, the author outlines a number of different metrics for the success and failure of social movements. This first chapter is far more theoretical than the remainder of the book, which is largely a historical overview and discussion of relevant data. Though these metrics are varied and the academic literature on social movements is not completely in agreement on particular metrics for success and failure, Ghanem pulls on the common thread that binds the various approaches and uses this as the guide for the remainder of his study: "If we accept the argument that success means achievement of the goals that the national movement has set itself, it is clear that failure is a situation in which the national movement does not achieve these objectives, especially after a reasonable period of time has elapsed."

So instead of selecting metrics that will allow him to trace the progress, or lack thereof, of the Palestinian national movement, Ghanem opts to identify a threshold beyond which a national movement is to be considered failed in an attempt to side-step disagreement on metrics within the literature. While some might argue that this approach takes the study out of the context of the preceding literature, it is unlikely to affect the veracity of his conclusions.

Setting the context for the national movement in the post-Oslo period, Ghanem discusses Israeli strategy during and just before the beginning of the Oslo period. He shows how their decision-making was based on eliminating the demographic threat of Palestinians, and moving the dispute from the direction of conflict resolution to conflict management. The argument is that Israel permitted Palestinians to practice partial self-determination via the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) but never permitted sovereignty. In this fashion, Israel was able to simultaneously marginalize the demographic threat, maintain its colonial enterprise in the occupied Palestinian land, and curtail both the resources and objectives of the PLO and the PNA as entities in the national movement.

Ghanem also provides various data on Israeli public opinion during the Oslo period which shows some flexibility toward making an agreement with Palestinians, but is still far from support for the minimum concessions necessary to meet the requirements of international law and basic Palestinian demands. In his first chapter, Ghanem indicates that the ability to convince the target audience is the measure of the success of a national movement. He concludes that the ongoing rigidity in Israeli public opinion is a reflection of the Palestinian movement's inability to sufficiently argue the justness of their cause to the Israeli audience.

The argument continues with a discussion of the internal workings of the Palestinian national movement, the consolidation of control at the top -- first with Yasser Arafat and then with Mahmoud Abass -- and the movement's reluctance to reform necessary institutions. The question of succession, which followed the death of Yasser Arafat, threw the Palestinian movement into a tailspin, as it was unable to reform its representative institutions in a way that would produce representative leadership to sufficiently fill the void left by Arafat.

The argument comes to a close with a discussion of the disintegration of the movement into rival camps between Hamas and Fateh, another factor which Ghanem argues in the introduction is a clear indication that the national movement has crossed the threshold of failure.

As'ad Ghanem's study on the Palestinian national movement in the period after the Oslo Accords is an important argument that has implications not only on the future of the Palestinian movement, but also for those engaging this movement strategically, like foreign policy-makers around the globe. For Palestinians, this is a critical, introspective and absolutely necessary analysis of their movement for national liberation. For the rest of the world, this should serve as an explanation for why Palestinians urgently need the assistance of the international community to end Israel's colonization and aggression: because thus far they have been unable to do so alone.

Yousef Munayyer is Executive Director of the Palestine Center. This book review may be used without permission but with proper attribution to the Center.

The views in this review are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of The Jerusalem Fund.

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BOOK REVIEW: Mornings in Jenin

Each month, we will be conducting a review of a recent book that deals with issues relating to Palestine and/or the Israel/Palestine conflict. Books that are chosen for review can be academic or non-academic, historical or fictional. Next month we will be reviewing Palestinian Politics After Arafat: A Failed National Movement by As'ad Ghanem. If you would like to suggest a book for review, please contact the Palestine Center.

Mornings in Jenin by Susan Abulhawa
Paperback: 352 pages, Bloomsbury USA (February 2, 2010)

Palestine Center Book Review No. 3 (10 March 2010)

By Yousef Munayyer

Mornings in Jenin, by Susan Abulhawa, is the story of one Palestinian family over four generations. It can be argued, however, that it is also a story about any and every Palestinian family. The novel begins in the picturesque village of Ein Hod in the north of Palestine. The Abulheja family leads the simple life that most Palestinian farmers led before their tragic dispossession in 1948. Love was plentiful in Ein Hod. Love for life, for family, for God, and for the land. This was the essence of a farming society for generation upon generation.

The Abulhejas and their countrymen are forced out of their villages and homes only to find refuge in foreign towns and lands. They find themselves in a refugee camp in Jenin, their lives totally turned upside-down after losing everything they knew in their simple but beautiful, Palestinian village.

As they struggle in the refugee camp, in the early period after their exile, olive harvest season approaches. Haj Yehya, the family's patriarch, sneaks across the armistice line to tend to his olive groves despite the threat of death from an Israeli bullet. When he returns to the camp in Jenin where his family anxiously waits, he brings them the fruits of his labor, and the labor of generations before him, plucked from their trees in their village. Nothing could stop this old man from returning to his village, but on his next trip, he never made it back to Jenin.

That was the last time any Abulheja attempted to return, but the dreams of return only grew stronger. Amal, with a long vowel (a name meaning "hopes" in Arabic), was born in the refugee camp of Jenin to Haj Yehya's son Hasan. Her older brother, Yousef, spent his early years in Ein Hod before the Nakba. Another older brother, Ismael, was taken from his mother's arms during the exodus from Ein Hod. It would be through Amal's eyes, however, that the family's story is told.

Susan Abulhawa's masterful writing is delightful to read. She writes with an element of metaphor, undoubtedly owing its origins to the Arabic language, which brings color and feeling to every page of this novel. The characters are well-developed and one cannot help but grow attached to them. After each tragedy, be it 1948, 1967, and 1982, a new generation of the family is born, providing hope not only for the characters, but also for the reader who will inevitably experience a sense of depression in parts of the book.

Amal is born into refugee life. She grows up in the shadow of a mother that was devastated by the loss of a child. In 1967, Amal experiences 6 days of horror in a hole in the ground that will forever change her family's life. The father that read poetry to her in the early hours of the morning, the scenes that lend the book its title, is never seen again. Her mother slips into dementia, and her brother Yousef will soon leave to join the resistance.

She grows up away from Jenin, and seeks an education in the United States. Her father's wish was that she be educated and a scholarship makes this possible. In her ghorba (life away from home) Amal experiences western life and the contradictions it poses for Palestinians like herself. She will eventually travel to a refugee camp in Lebanon to reconnect with her brother. In Lebanon, she remembers her past, her love for the land and her family, and starts a family of her own. And just as stability seems to be coming back to her life, anchored by the cornerstone of family, tragedy strikes again. The massacres at Sabra and Shatila will devastate the Abulhejas in 1982, just as 1967 devastated them in Jenin, just as 1948 devastated them in Ein Hod.

Amal raises her daughter, Sara, as a single mother. She wants her to have nothing to do with Palestine, politics, and the wars that scared Amal literally and figuratively for decades. But a twist of fate, which brings Amal's long-lost brother back into her life, sparks an interest in Sara who is now old enough to start hearing about the secrets of her mother's past.

Ultimately it will be Sara, and her generation, which will carry the hopes of Palestine and Palestinians after Amal is gone.

Mornings in Jenin is a must read. It is sure to be an eye opening experience for those who know little about Palestine and an eye-watering experience for those who do. Abulhawa's style is magnificent, descriptive and passionate. While the story is fictional, it is built on entirely plausible circumstances and entirely factual events and places.

Many have waited for a literary contribution capable of explaining the Palestinian experience to the West. The wait is over, Mornings in Jenin is it.

Yousef Munayyer is Executive Director of the Palestine Center. This book review may be used without permission but with proper attribution to the Center.

The views in this review are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of The Jerusalem Fund.

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BOOK REVIEW: "Footnotes in Gaza" by Joe Sacco

Each month, we will be conducting a review of a recent book that deals with issues relating to Palestine and/or the Israel/Palestine conflict. Books that are chosen for review can be academic or non-academic, historical or fictional. Next month we will be reviewing Mornings in Jenin by Susan Abulhawa. If you would like to suggest a book for review, please contact the Palestine Center.

"Footnotes in Gaza" written by Joe Sacco
Hardcover: 432 pages, Metropolitan Books (December 22, 2009)

Palestine Center Book Review No.2 (10 February 2010)

By Yousef Munayyer

In 2001, during the early part of the second Palestinian intifada, Joe Sacco accompanied Chris Hedges on a trip to Khan Younis to illustrate the story of one Palestinian town during the uprising for Harper's magazine. He recalled once hearing of a massacre that took place in Khan Younis and after further investigation, interviews and research, several paragraphs about the massacre that took place on 3 November 1956 were included in the article submitted to Harper's.

The editors at Harper's did not find the information about the massacre relevant and subsequently cut it from the published version.

To Sacco, however, the massacre at Khan Younis was too significant to ignore. He was not comfortable with leaving the "greatest massacre of Palestinians on Palestinian soil" as a mere footnote in the history of Palestine. It was this sense of injustice of historiography that drove him to look further, dig deeper and write Footnotes in Gaza.

The title itself refers passively to the outrageous obscurity of the massacres which took place in Gaza in 1956. The wonton killings described in both Rafah and Khan Younis in November 1956 are dealt with in great detail. Sacco decided that these events, these "footnotes", will no longer be subjected to the dismissive whims of editors who sanitize American literature. Footnotes in Gaza is a 432-page addendum to the Palestinian story which is now determinately etched into the annals of western writing.

Yet, throughout the book, as Sacco documents his interactions with Palestinians, even they question the relevance of a book on '56 when the transformative events of '67,'73, '88, '00, etc have dramatically reshaped their lives again and again since. His stubborn persistence prevails, however, and he manages, with the help of local guides, to find numerous individuals who testified as firsthand witnesses to the massacres of 1956.

What is unique about this book is its style of presentation. Footnotes in Gaza is a picture book, or a work of illustrative journalism to be more precise. Make no mistake, however, the content is not recommended for young readers. In fact, Sacco sketches the gruesome details of massacre in only the way images can describe, leaving an indelible mark on the memory of the reader that words alone could not accomplish.


It's not merely images of bloodied bodies strewn across the streets of Rafah or shot against a wall in Khan Younis that stick with the reader; It is also the pensive, sometimes horrified, look on the faces of those interviewed as they recall the massacres they saw unfold before their eyes so many years before. It's also the depiction of screaming widows who make the reader look for a volume knob only to realize they are in fact still reading a book.

Footnotes in Gaza is also more than a documentation of the testimonies of survivors of the massacres. It's the story of the documentation as well. Sacco takes us through the journey of navigating Khan Younis and Rafah, living in a refugee camp, the banality of journalism during the intifada and the daily horrors of Israeli occupation.

In an attempt to get to Rafah to interview a survivor, Sacco illustrates the long line at checkpoints, which routinely take hours to pass through; the Israeli watch towers, which send bullets over Sacco's head and the children waiting at the checkpoint to ride in under-occupied passengers cars for a shekel so that the cars meet the three-person capacity minimum to cross the Israeli checkpoint. He also documents the ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes along the Philladelphi crossing at Gaza's southern-most border. The author conducted much of his ethnographic research during the worst moments of the Palestinian intifada. The funerals of martyrs are drawn in the book, along with the destruction of houses, the shooting of activists and the protection of colonial Israeli settlements.

It was in fact these modern day realities which led Sacco to pen the following in the introduction to his book:

"Palestinians never seem to have the luxury of digesting on tragedy before the next one is upon them. When I was in Gaza, younger people often viewed my research into the events of 1956 with bemusement. What good would tending to history do them when they were under attack and their homes were being demolished now? But the past and the present cannot be so easily disentangled; they are part of a remorseless continuum, a historical blur. Perhaps it is worthwhile to freeze that churning forward movement and examine one or two events that were not only a disaster for the people who lived them but might also be instructive for those who want to understand why and how hatred was 'planted' in hearts."

As the famed Palestinian political cartoonist Naji Al-Ali once wrote:

"As soon as I was aware of what was going on, all the havoc in our region, I felt I had to do something, to contribute somehow My job I felt was to speak up for those people, my people who are in the camps, in Egypt, in Algeria, the simple Arabs all over the region who have very few outlets to express their points of view."

Where Ali often used faceless or nameless caricatures, or his signature 'Handala,' to convey the feelings of Palestinians, Sacco takes this many steps further by allowing real people to tell their stories in his book. The wives who buried their husbands, the boys who buried their fathers and the men who lay alive and bleeding at the bottom of a pile of terminated humanity, all get an opportunity to tell us their story.

What Sacco affords to Palestinians in this must read book is what Edward Said often claimed they had been denied: "permission to narrate."



Yousef Munayyer is Executive Director of the Palestine Center. This book review may be used without permission but with proper attribution to the Center.

Images from the Book FOOTNOTES IN GAZA by Joe Sacco. Copyright © 2009 by Joe Sacco. Reprinted by arrangement with Metropolitan Books, an imprint of Henry Holt and Company LLC.

See this video interview with Laura Flanders on GritTV.

The views in this review are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of The Jerusalem Fund.

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BOOK REVIEW: "Jewish Terrorism in Israel"

This book review is the inaugural edition of a new Palestine Center initiative. Each month, we will be conducting a review of a recent book that deals with issues relating to Palestine and/or the Israel/Palestine conflict. Books that are chosen for review can be academic or non-academic, historical or fictional. Next month we will be reviewing Joe Sacco's Footnotes in Gaza. If you would like to suggest a book for review, please contact the Palestine Center.

"Jewish Terrorism in Israel" written by Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger
Hardcover: 264 pages, Columbia University Press (November 9, 2009)

Palestine Center Book Review No.1 (11 January 2010)

By Yousef Munayyer

After 11 September 2001 the literature on terrorism took a decisive turn. Theories that explained terrorism by suggesting economic factors as causal factors, including underdevelopment, were significantly challenged. The 19 individuals which carried out one of the deadliest attacks in history were not economically deprived and most were well-educated. Support began to gather for religious motivations behind terrorism, and given the events of the post-9/11 world, much of this literature singled out Islam.

Some theories went so far as to say that the degree of severity of terrorist acts varies based on the religious backgrounds of the perpetrators, citing high death tolls in attacks committed by al-Qaeda. Muslim groups, the argument goes, are more likely to kill in greater numbers and this was due to religious ideology. Certainly, there are many problems with these arguments including the failure to account for technological advances, the wide availability of deadly materials and the strategic motivations behind types of attacks. Studies that drew these conclusions focused on cases in the post-9/11 world, neglecting millennia of historical cases that cast doubt on the explanations of terror which single out Islam and Quranic interpretations.

For these reasons and more, the recently released Jewish Terrorism in Israel by Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger, is a timely and important contribution to the study of terrorism and the general discussion of extremism in Israel and globally, both historically and contemporarily.

The book is unique and attractive for a number of reasons. First, the authors, both Israeli scholars, were granted unprecedented access to Israeli documents about Jewish terrorism that allowed for a detailed description of events. Pedahzur and Perliger have been "researching Jewish terrorism for more than ten years, during which [they] have gathered thousands of official documents, mostly court protocols, interviewed 25 former terrorists, politicians and spiritual leaders as well as law enforcement officials, and conducted six comprehensive surveys of communities where terrorist groups originated, which include more than 4,800 respondents" (pg. xiii).[1]

Second, the authors utilize network analysis to explain why the models of hierarchical, vertical networks and command structures are insufficient in explaining Jewish terror groups and they favor explanations based on socialization and horizontal networks.

Third, Pedahzur and Perliger trace the ideological connections between Jewish terrorists in the modern era, like the Bat Ayin group, which was active in recent years, all the way back to the time of the Hasmonean Family of Jewish zealots who perpetrated attacks against the Roman rulers of Palestine -- perhaps the earliest recorded acts of terrorism in human history.

Reading through the book, it becomes evident that this is the most complete and detailed account of Jewish terrorism to date. The accounts of several plots of Jewish terrorists, including a number of attempts at destroying mosques on Jerusalem's Temple Mount and coordinated attacks on Palestinian mayors, is chilling, and the authors skillfully weave the data they collected to make reading an academic book palatable to the casual reader. One account of a terrorist plot from the book is excerpted below.

Early in March 2002, Shlomo Dvir-Zeliger and Ofer Gamliel began to discuss various targets for such an attack. In the end, the girls' school in Abu Tor was chosen, as the court verdict stated, "with the intention of causing great suffering by murdering girls going to learn at school."...As the day of the attack approached...they invested a great deal of time in putting together the bomb and other components attached to it. They also conducted preliminary scouting expeditions in Abu Tor to ascertain the optimal location for placing the trailer so the explosion would cause a maximum number of human casualtiesthey set the time so that the booby-trapped trailer would explode during the girls' assembly at 7:30 in the morning. (pg. 121)

The book discusses a number of different Jewish terror organizations from ancient to modern times. It is an important contribution to the literature on terrorism, particularly at this moment in the development of the field, because it highlights acts of terror perpetrated and ideologically supported by religious and ethnic motivations that are not Islamic. This book should be considered essential reading for anyone interested in terrorism in general and political violence in the state of Israel.

Yet, though this book does make solid contributions, it has weaknesses as well. The most notable weakness revolves around the period of the creation of the state of Israel. Despite the fact that groups like the Irgun (IZL) and the Lehi (LHI) were responsible for the most deadly and infamous acts of Jewish terror in modern history, the authors fail to place these groups under the same scrutiny. To be fair, a discussion of these groups is included in the book, however they are not subject to the same network analysis as Jewish terror groups in more recent times. Further, a number of heinous attacks perpetrated by these groups are not mentioned.

It is important, at this point, to review the authors' definition of terrorism. Their understanding of terrorism which was applied in the book is a four-part definition (pg. xii): Terrorism involves 1) the use of violence, 2) a political motive that activates the violence, 3) an intention to strike fear into the victims and their community 4) the victims of terrorism are civilians or non-combatants. This definition encompasses most of the elements that the mainstream literature on terrorism accepts.

It is striking then, that a book on Jewish terrorism that adopts such a definition would leave out the massacre at Deir Yassin and other attacks against the Palestinian Arab community. Benny Morris, another Israeli academic, describes the attack at Deir Yassin as follows:

Deir Yassin is remembered not as a military operation, but rather for the atrocities committed by the IZL and LHI troops during and immediately after the drawn out battle: Whole families were riddled with bullets and grenade fragments and buried when houses were blown up on top of them, men women and children were mowed down as they emerged from their houses, individuals were taken aside and shot. At the end of the battle, groups of old men, women and children were trucked through West Jerusalem's streets as a kind of "victory parade" and then dumped in (Arab) East Jerusalem. [2]

All elements of the definition described by the authors are met, yet Deir Yassin did not make it into the text. In fact, the authors steered away from describing attacks against Palestinians during the period when the IZL and LHI were active. Even though the vast majority of those killed during the Irgun's reign of terror were Palestinian Arabs and the vast majority of their attacks targeted Palestinians; the authors fail to fairly characterize this reality. Instead they claim that Irgun "activities focused primarily on the struggle against restrictions imposed by the British Mandate authorities on the immigration of Jews to Eretz Israel." (pg. 13) Why they chose to omit these events, in what seems to be systematic fashion, is unclear.

Another curious characterization is in the treatment of two assassinations which appear one after the other in the book (pg. 27-31). Folke Bernadotte and Israel Kastner both fell to the bullets of Jewish terrorists, but the ways in which the assassinations were described, particularly the explanations of the motives, left much to be desired.

Kastner was a Hungarian Jew who became embroiled in scandal in Israel after he was accused of aiding Nazis in the mass murder of European Jewry. The authors argue that the libel lawsuit which Kaster filed to fight the accusations, and ultimately lost, paved the way for his assassination by right-wing fanatic members of the Lehi. Bernadotte was a Swedish diplomat that acted as the first United Nations envoy to the conflict. He was assassinated only one day after finalizing a plan for peace which included the immediate return of Palestinian refugees to their homes. This fact, and the fact that Bernadotte was responsible for saving thousands of Jews from concentration camps only a few years prior, was also omitted in the description of his assassination. In the case of Kastner, the authors chose a narrative that allows the reader to possibly rationalize, if not justify, the assassination from a Jewish perspective. No such narrative was afforded Bernadotte.

Yet the most glaring omission in this time period is not in narrative or in acts of terrorism against Palestinians that were neglected. Rather, the biggest weakness is the failure to characterize many activities of the Haganah as terrorist acts.

Of the Haganah and the Palmach the authors say "despite the determination of these groups the option of engaging in systematic terrorism was not viable" and that they believed that "violence should be exercised in orderly fashion." (pg. 10) While this may, or may not be true, this disqualification of the Haganah as a terrorist group is based on criteria that were not in the definition outlined by the authors in their methodology (see above). In fact, criteria such as selecting an option of "engaging in systematic terrorism" or "practicing chaotic violence" were not mentioned prior to the disqualification of the Haganah and not mentioned after. So why exclude the Haganah?

Certainly several isolated Haganah acts fit the definition of terrorism the authors put forward. The Haganah's participation in Deir Yassin, and a number of other massacres which targeted civilians and intended to harm or engender fear for political motives, is clear in the historical record. Take for example, the destruction of the village of Beit Masir. The Haganah's Harel brigade, directed by Yitzhak Rabin, perpetrated the destruction of a village and claimed on 11 May 1948 "we are currently blowing up the houses. We have already blown up 60-70 houses".[3]

The exclusion of the Haganah is at the very least, grounds to raise serious selection bias questions and at worst a reflection of shoddy scholarship. The author's could have avoided such criticism by providing a reasonable explanation for the exclusion of Haganah acts, but they failed to do so. To claim that the Haganah did not commit terrorist acts because they were more efficient at it, or orderly while doing so, does not make the act any less terrorizing in nature.

The failures in this book, however, do not outweigh the importance of its contributions to the literature on terrorism in general and Jewish extremism in particular. The shortcomings gravitate to a period in the history which is still taboo for many Israelis to address candidly. Leaving this period aside, Jewish Terrorism in Israel sheds light on a brand of terrorism that much of the world has overlooked, and helps us grapple with the formation of radical ideologies, terrorist groups and the socialization of political violence in communities.

Yousef Munayyer is Executive Director of the Palestine Center. This policy brief may be used without permission but with proper attribution to the Center.

The views in this review are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of The Jerusalem Fund.

[1] The authors were about to create three databases with this detailed information. One includes 309 Jewish terrorist attacks perpetrated in Palestine and the state of Israel between 1932 and 2008. The second is a biographical dataset of the 224 people who have taken part in the attacks and the third describes ties between the members in different Jewish terror networks.

[2] Benny Morris, Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict 1881-2001 (New York: Vintage Books, 1999), 207.

[3] Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2006), 140.

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